Tuesday 28 April 2015

KCNA Commentary Slams U.S. Daydream


    Pyongyang, April 28 (KCNA) -- The United States is kicking up much fuss, claiming that the DPRK's army has reached the level of making a nuclear strike at the U.S. mainland.
    William Gortney, commander of the U.S. northern forces, in a press conference held at the U.S. Defense Department said that the U.S. military judged that "north Korea is capable of firing ICBMs tipped with smaller nuclear warheads at the U.S. mainland".
    The commander of the U.S. forces in south Korea and the commander-in-chief of the U.S. forces in the Pacific echoed Gortney's utterances at the Senate Armed Services Committee.
    In the past the U.S. refused to admit the existence of nuclear weapons in the DPRK, negating its access to nuclear weapons.
    The U.S., however, made a U turn, working hard to build up public opinion on the DPRK's smaller nukes and its capability to make a nuclear strike at the U.S. mainland. Then why?
    It is seeking to attain its aim by periodically escalating the tension on the Korean peninsula.
    It merits attention that the chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee let loose a litany of invectives against the DPRK, asserting that the "threat from north Korea makes the situation on the Korean peninsula unpredictable and it is a main factor of making the situation there unstable" in the same place where the commander of the U.S. forces in south Korea and the commander-in-chief of the U.S. forces in the Pacific made a hue and cry over "north Korea's missile strike at the U.S. mainland."
    In a word, lurking behind the above-said claim is a sinister intention to gain a double purpose of smoothly pushing forward the pivot to Asia-Pacific strategy by staging a charade for straining the situation on the peninsula and bringing bigger profits to the U.S. munitions monopolies.
    The assistant secretary of State for disarmament verification blustered at a recent seminar sponsored by the U.S. Centre for Strategic and International Studies that the U.S. and south Korea were not negotiating for the deployment of THAAD at present but its deployment in south Korea would prove a decisive force for "coping with north Korea's missiles".
    Commenting on this, U.S. media said that those remarks reflected the U.S. Administration's "strong political will" to deploy THAAD on the peninsula at any cost under the pretext of "countering the nuclear missiles of north Korea".
    As it is well-known to everybody, the deployment of THAAD in south Korea constitutes a main link in the chain efforts to implement the U.S. pivot to Asia-Pacific strategy.
    By deploying THAAD in south Korea the U.S. seeks to disable the strategic nuclear forces of potential rivals in Asia-Pacific region, notably Russia and China, and hold a military edge over the region.
    The deployment of very costly THAAD would bring a windfall to the U.S. munitions monopolies.
    In the final analysis, the U.S. required the spread of fiction about "nuclear missile threat from north Korea" and periodical escalation of tension on the peninsula to serve the purpose of THAAD deployment.
    The U.S., however, had better discard its daydream of achieving a double purpose.
    The service personnel and people in the DPRK keep high vigilance against the U.S. cunning scenario to fish in troubled waters by employing a trite method.
    The U.S. would be well advised to bear in mind that it will meet a tragic fate of ruin, if it behaves recklessly, failing to properly know who its rival is. -0-

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